SONS OF DEWITT COLONY TEXAS
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The insurrectionists are thus indirectly encouraged, and assisted, by our Government.---And the hope is entertained, by those concerned, that the efforts of the Mexicans may be thus paralyzed, and the possession of the territory retained by the revolutionists, until the next meeting of' the Congress of the United States, when the independence of the Texian Republic may be formally acknowledged, and soon thereafter admitted, as an "Independent State," into this confederacy. This the "Combination" is fully determined upon. It is the ultimatum of their grand design. I repeat that its members have a majority in the councils of the nation; and as the sentiments of the Executive Head coincides with theirs, the government is completely under their controlling influence; and their object will certainly be accomplished, UNLESS THE PEOPLE OF OUR FREE STATES AROUSE FROM THEIR APATHY, and by an open, decided, general expression of their sentiments, induce their Senators and Representatives in Congress to oppose the measure.
It is indeed astonishing, that many intelligent persons in this country have so long suffered themselves to be blinded and deceived, in relation to this subject. I am aware that the parties to the unholy compact have uniformly veiled their designs with specious pretexts and systematic misrepresentations. But within the last few months, particularly, they have nearly thrown off the mask, Their cloak is a mere veil of gauze; and we have nothing to do but open our eyes, to perceive the hideous reality of the corruption beneath it.
Although it has been generally asserted, and many have been induced to believe, that the only object of the insurrectionists is the establishment of an independent government, separate from that of any other, yet the principal original advocates of the scheme---the slaveholders, slave-breeders, and politicians of the United States-never entertained the idea for a moment. The land-speculators and foreign slave-traders would have no objection to it; (neither would the colonists object to it;) but they could not expect to effect the alienation of the territory from the Mexican Government without the aid, either directly or indirectly, of the Government of the United States. This aid could not be obtained, without the prospect of the future attachment of the territory to this Confederation, to increase the power and preponderating influence of the slave-holding States in the National Congress. The plan of establishing an "independent Republic" in Texas was, therefore, publicly proclaimed, first, with the view of effectually separating the territory from Mexico, and firmly re-establishing slavery; and, second, to bring it into this Union without subjecting our Government to the charge of official interference in the accomplishment of those objects. No other plan would have succeeded; while this has deceived the opponents of slavery, lulled them into a fatal security, and thrown them entirely off their guard, as it respects their own interests and safety. So far as the "combination" has proceeded in establishing its authority, the territory is wrested from Mexico; the system of slavery, and the slave-trade with this country, are fully recognized; and all the necessary preliminaries are arranged for the formal sanction of independence and admission into the ranks of the sovereign slaveholding States composing this Republic, at an early day. This, too, has all been done with the connivance and aid of our Government, without formally violating its "neutrality!"
If there are any who yet doubt the intentions of the insurgents, respecting the attachment of the territory in question to that of the United States, they are particularly requested to read what follows,---and a moment's reflection will probably then satisfy them of the truth of the averment. It will be perceived that even Stephen F. Austin himself now sanctions it openly. By the recent arrival of a vessel from one of the ports in Texas, a paper bearing date the 9th of August has been received from that country, in which an election for officers of their Government is announced to be held in a short time. Stephen F. Austin is one of the candidates for the Presidency; and in a letter, published in the paper aforesaid, he expresses himself thus:
Columbia, Aug. 4th, 1836. Dear Sir---I have been nominated by many persons whose opinions I am bound to respect, as a candidate for the office of President of Texas, at the September elections. Influenced by the great governing principle which has regulated my actions since I came to Texas, fifteen years ago, which- is, to serve this country in any capacity in which the people might think proper to employ me, I shall not decline the highly responsible a difficult one now proposed, should the in majority of my fellow citizens elect me. I perceive by the proclamation of the President, ordering the election, that the people are requested to say whether they are in favor or not of annexing Texas to the Unite States. On this point, I shall consider in myself bound, if elected, to obey the will of the people. As a citizen, however, I am free say, that I am in favor of annexation, and will do all in my power to effect it with the least possible delay. Respectfully, your fellow citizen, S. F. AUSTIN.
The same paper contains the following enunciation from William H. Jack who recently officiated, as their Secretary of State, but is now proposed as a candidate for the Legislature. He writes in answer to sundry interrogatories from those who put him in nomination;---and after replying to three other questions unconnected with the subject before us he concludes as follows:
Fourth. I am decidedly and anxiously in favor of annexing Texas to the United States I consider it the "rock of our salvation," an a consummation of happiness "most devoutly to be wished for." Should I be chosen a representative to Congress, I shall leave no effort untried to produce this desired object feeling confident, that all the blessings a peace and tranquillity, will thereby be seen to ourselves and our posterity.
Fifth. When I first read the Constitution as adopted by the Convention, I was of opinion that some errors had crept into it, an hence was in favor of submitting to the people, whether they would adopt it absolutely or clothe Congress with powers to amend it subsequent reflection, and the importance of organizing a constitutional government immediately, have satisfied me that it ought to be adopted, as it now stands; believing that in the present unsettled state of the country less injury will result from its adoption than by making amendments at this time. Thus, gentlemen, I have answered every question proposed, and if my views are conformable to those of the people of this jurisdiction, and they should think proper to elect me, I shall serve them fearlessly and faithfully. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. JACK. Columbia, 5th August, 1836.
Hear, also, the language of General Houston. The following is from a late No. of the Washington "Globe."
"Gen. Houston.-The opinion of General Houston is, that Texas, when it shall have asserted its independence, will seek admission into the Union. He is, himself, decidedly in favor of that course, considering it essential to the interests of the new country, and of much importance to the Union."
Notwithstanding that Stephen F. Austin (and we may add many other actual settlers in Texas) would have preferred a separate independent Government, we will now see that they have no expectation of establishing one. On the contrary, they unequivocally declare the intention of annexing the country to the United States as soon as it can possibly be done. They could not exercise their will in the matter. The great majority of the fomenters of the rebellion, and the immediate participators in it, ARE CITIZENS OF THIS COUNTRY. Such of the colonists as were opposed to it, however, have been compelled to acquiesce, and the agents of the "Combination" have successfully dictated its prescribed measures, and pursued the course originally contemplated by it.
I have now traced the subject of the Texian Revolt through the whole concatenation of its primary causes and objects. I have unfolded to the view of the attentive reader what I know to be the motives and intentions of his instigators. I have, by this means, endeavored to undeceive the honest portion of the great American community, who have not had sufficient opportunities to penetrate the veil of their masked designs, and have been imposed upon by their false pretensions. The very acts of the insurgents---even the whole systematic course of their proceedings---prove clearly the correctness of my charges and expositions. It will be seen that, instead of a desire to establish and perpetuate the liberal institutions of freedom and equality of rights, they have taken up arms against the Mexican government from motives of personal aggrandizement, avaricious adventure, and unlimited, enduring oppression. The alarming fact is also clearly and fully substantiated, that the influence of the SLAVE HOLDING PARTY in the United States is now so completely in the ascendant, and so thoroughly sways the deliberations and proceedings of our Federal Government, that it makes it the passive if not the active instrument, in extending and permanently establishing that horrible system of oppression, even in regions where it had been destroyed by the power of moral virtue and republican principle.
The period has indeed arrived---THE CRISIS IS AT HAND---when the wise, the virtuous, the patriotic, the philanthropic of this nation, must examine, and reflect, and deeply ponder the momentous subject under consideration. Already we see the newspaper press in some of the free States openly advocating the system of slavery, with all its outrages and abominations. [See two of the influential Daily papers in New York---the "Evening Star," and the "Courier & Enquirer"---with several others elsewhere. Approving of Slavery in all its forms, these corrupt vehicles disseminate the most odious and tyrannical doctrines, in relation to the subject; and as a matter of course, they stand forth among the boldest champions, in advocating and encouraging the marauding crusade against Mexico.] Individuals occupying influential stations in the community at large, also countenance and encourage it, and even instigate the vile rabble to oppose, maltreat, and trample on the necks of those who dare to plead the cause of the oppressed. At the ensuing session of our national Congress, the great battle is to be fought, that must decide the question now at issue, and perhaps even seal the fate of this Republic. The Senators and representatives of the people will then be called on to sanction the "independence of Texas," and also to provide for its admission, as a SLAVEHOLDING STATE, into this Union. These measures will positively be proposed, in case the Mexican Government fails to suppress the insurrection very soon, and to recover the actual possession of the territory. A few of our most eminent statesmen will resist the proposition with energy and zeal; but unless the PUBLIC VOICE be raised against the unhallowed proceeding, and the sentiments of the people be most unequivocally expressed in the loudest tones of disapprobation, they will be unable to withstand the influence and power of their antagonists. Arouse then! and let your voice be heard through your primary assemblies, your legislative halls, and the columns of the periodical press, in every section of your country.
Citizens of the United States!---Sons of the Pilgrims, and disciples of Wesley and Penn!---Coadjutors and pupils of Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin! Advocates of Freedom and the sacred "rights of Man!"---Will you longer shut your eyes, and slumber in apathy, while the demon of oppression is thus a talking over the plains consecrated to the Genius of Liberty and fertilized by the blood of her numerous martyrs ? Will you permit the authors of this gigantic project of national aggression, interminable slavery, and Heaven-daring injustice, to perfect their diabolical schemes through your supineness, or with the sanction of your acquiescence? If they succeed in the accomplishment of their object, where will be your guarantee for the liberty which you, yourselves enjoy? When the advocates of slavery shall obtain the balance of power in this confederation; when they shall have corrupted a few more of the aspirants to office among you, and opened an illimitable field for the operations of your heartless land-jobbers and slave merchants, (to secure their influence in effecting the unholy purposes of their ambition,) how long will you be able to resist the encroachments of their tyrannical influence, or prevent them from usurping and exercising authority over you? ARISE IN THE MAJESTY OF MORAL POWER, and place the seal of condemnation upon this flagrant isolation of national laws, of human rights, and the eternal, immutable principles of Justice.
It was my intention to conclude with the preceding observations ; but the absorbing interest that has been already manifested among our citizens, induces in to add the following:
We have received accounts of some late and very interesting proceedings in the British Parliament, connected with the important subject before us. These proceedings may well attract the attention of those concerned in the splendid nefarious project of converting the Texas country into an immense SLAVE MARKET fir the freebooters of America and Europe. The subject increases in importance, as the eyes of the world are opening to the enormity and iniquity of the scheme.
In the House of Commons, June 30th, the subject of the "Revolt in Texas" was thus introduced and discussed:
Mr. B. Hoy said he was anxious to know from the noble Lord, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, whether he had received any communication relative to the establishment of slaves and the slave trade in Texas. Lord Palmerston observed that the inhabitants of Texas were in state of revolt a against the Mexican Government, and the result of that revolt was not as yet decided. If the Mexican Government should succeed, they would, of course, enforce their laws on the inhabitants; but if the contest should have another result, and that there should be a separation of Texas from the Mexican Government, and their establishment as an independent power ensued, in such case the laws of Mexico would not be applied. He should, however, state, that no communication could have taken place between Texas and the British Government. Mr. B. Hoy announced his intention of bringing the subject under the consideration of Parliament. Dr. Lushington wished to ask his noble friend a question with reference to Texas. He was desirous of knowing whether any information had been received of the importation of slaves from Texas into the United States. Though he believed there was no treaty between this country and the United States which could compel them to put an end to such a system, yet they were bound not to sanction a continuance of such a practice. Lord Palmerston replied, that no such I formation had been received by Government.
The London Patriot, of July 6th, copies the remarks of John Quincy Adams in Congress from a New York paper, and makes ample comments upon the subject in general. The editor observes:
The British public ought to be made aware of what is going on at present in Texas; of the true cause and the true nature of the contest between the Mexican authorities and the American slave jobbers. Texas has long been the Naboth's vineyard of Brother Jonathan. For twenty years or more an anxiety has been manifested to push back the boundary of the United States territory, of which the Sabine river is the agreed line, so as to include the rich alluvial lands of the Delta of the Colorado, at the head of the Gulf of Mexico. There are stronger passions at work, however, than the mere lust of territory deeper interests at stake. Texas belongs to a republic which has abolished slavery; the object of the Americans is to convert it into a slave-holding state; not only to make it the field of slave cultivation, and a market for the Maryland slave trade, but, by annexing it to the Federal Union, to strengthen in Congress the preponderating influence of the southern slave-holding states. This atrocious project is the real origin and cause of the pretended contest for Texian independence---a war, on the part of the United States, of unprovoked aggression for the vilest of all purposes.
In alluding to the remarks of Mr. Adams, as before mentioned, the same writer says:
They ought to enlist the feelings of every British philanthropist, every British Christian, in support of the noble minded men who are standing forward in the United States, to resist the torrent of national iniquity. We all upon the country to raise its voice. Trust to the smooth words and slow movements of Lord Palmerston. It will be seen from our Parliamentary record, that on Thursday night the subject of what the papers call the Revolt in Texas was mooted in the House of Commons. In answer to the question, whether government had received any communication relative to the establishment of slavery and the slave trade in Texas, Lord Palmerston observed, that the inhabitants of Texas were in revolt against the Mexican government and that if they succeeded in such case the laws of Mexico would not be applied. Was this a reply worthy of a British statesman? Mr. Hoy announced his intention of bringing subject under the consideration of Parliament; and we will take CARE THAT THE SUBJECT SHALL NOT BE STIFLED. Dr. Lushington asked, whether government had received any information of the importation of slaves from Texas into the United States? Was the honorable and learned gentleman content with the answer he obtained! We are sure he was not.
At a subsequent meeting of Parliament, the following highly important proceedings are noticed in the London Times. Although the motion of Mr. Hoy was finally withdrawn, the great interest manifested upon the occasion, both by the mover and Mr. H. G. Ward, who seconded the motion, it may fairly be presumed that the English abolitionists will not be disposed to let the question rest there. No man in Europe is better acquainted with the subject than the gentleman last named. His long residence in Mexico, in the character of Envoy Extraordinary, gave him an opportunity to acquire a thorough knowledge of political affairs, as well as the state of things generally:---and it will be seen that his testimony fully corroborates (as far as it goes) the statements of Mr. Adams, and likewise many of those in the preceding pages of this pamphlet. The observations of Lord Palmerston, though ostensibly calculated to neutralize the feelings of the other members, will have a directly contrary effect upon the people of England; and according to his own admission, upon certain contingencies, (should "fresh circumstances" arise) the Government would feel itself bound, or at least authorized, to look to the matter. In what light will it view the invasion of General Gaines, and the open, unmolested armament and marching of troops, from different parts of the United States, into the territory?
PROCEEDINGS BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS-August 6 1836 TEXAS.
Mr. B. Hoy rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice. It was on a subject of the utmost importance to the cause of humanity, of immense importance to our colonial possessions and to our merchants who had embarked 70,000,000 dollars in Mexico. If the United States were suffered to wrest Texas from Mexico, would not Cuba and other Mexican possessions fall a prey to the United States? The war now going on in Texas was a war not for independence, but for slavery; and he would contend that should the revolt in Texas be successful, that province would still be bound by the treaty, Mexico entered into with this country when Texas formed part of the Mexican dominions, to prevent the carrying on of the slave trade within its territory; the number of States in the Union had originally been 13; they were now increased to 26, and if Texas were added to the Union there could be no doubt the basis of the connection would be to establish slavery and the slave trade permanently in that province. He begged to ask the Noble Lord opposite, Lord Palmeston, if within the last ten days he had not received an application from the Mexican Government for the good offices of this country to remonstrate with the United States against the gross violation of treaties, and the aggressions of their Southern states. The honorable member read extracts from speeches of Mr. Huskisson and Mr. John Q. Adams, to show the importance to America in a commercial point of view, of annexing Texas to its territory.
It is now for this house to consider whether, after the enormous Sums expended in abolishing and putting down slavery, it would render the whole of that expenditure useless, and to allow slavery to take deep root in situations with respect to which this country had both the power and right of interference in suppressing it. But, supposing the independence of Texas to be established, and that it united itself to the United States, let the house consider what considerable commercial advantages the latter would gain over this country. By that junction, the United States would be brought within six weeks sail of China. Neither ought the importance of the possessions of the mining districts by America be lost sight of by this country. Those mines were of immense value---one alone having produced 30,000,000 dollars. Unless Mexico was assisted as she ought to be by this country, she would be so weakened as soon to become an easy victim to the ambition of the United States of America. The motion with which he intended to conclude was, for an address to the Crown to take such measures as were proper for the fulfillment of the existing treaty, by which this country was bound to co-operate with Mexico. He was of opinion that England ought not only to remonstrate with America, but to have a naval force on the coast to support Mexico against American aggressions.
The Hon. member concluded by moving "That an humble address be presented to the Crown, praying that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct that such measures be taken as to his Majesty may seem proper, to secure the fulfillment of the existing treaty between this country and Mexico, and to prevent the establishment of slavery and traffic in slaves, in the province of Texas, in the Mexican territory."
Mr. H. G. Ward seconded the amendment, which involved a subject upon which he had been long and was deeply interested. The importance of Texas was but little known in this house or by the country. The province itself consisted of a large tract of the finest land, it had numerous good and only two bad Ports, and the possession of it would give to the parties obtaining it the full command of the whole gulf of Mexico. The Mexican Government on its first intercourse with this country, an intercourse of increased and still increasing commercial importance to this country, had stipulated for the abolition in its territory of the slave trade, and he (Mr. Ward) could state that this stipulation had been most rigidly enforced and observed, and he did not believe that there were now in the Mexican states, except Texas, 20 slaves. To Texas the United States had long turned covetous eyes, and to obtain possession of that province had been the first object of its policy. During his residence in Mexico, America contrived to have a proposal made to the Mexican Government, offering 10,000,000 dollars for certain privileges in Texas, and that proposition having been refused, America then proceeded to encourage the settlement of Texas of the refuse of her own southern states, who took possesion of the land without title, or pretension to any title, and thus drew into it a population exclusively slave and American. A declaration of independence next followed. That declaration issued from men recognizing no law, and signed by only one Mexican, the President of the Province, a man of talent, it was true, but who had dealt most largely in Texas lands, and sought his own advantage. He was supposed to have formed a connection with some influential men of the American Cabinet, and amongst them with Mr. Forsyth. What then had followed America having created a population in Texas in the way he had stated, and having given to it every possible assistance, a committee of foreign relations in the Senate, came in with a report signed by Mr. Clay, for whom he entertained a high respect, discussing the necessity of recognizing the declaration of the independence of Texas. The tendency of the whole report was to show the propriety, at a future time, to annex Texas to the United States. The question therefore, for the house to consider was-first, the general policy of allowing a state, without remonstrance, to extend itself, and thus put an end to the trade between this country and Mexico---the connection between which could be to completely cut off by a few American privateers ensconced in the Texian ports. The principle had been disclaimed in 1835, when it was proposed to annex part of Cuba to the United States, and that instance ought to guide this country in not allowing this contemplated extension of the American territory. The next consideration was, whether the country would now allow a renewal and increase of the slave trade? Such would be the result of this policy on the part of America, and from a pamphlet he had received this day, it appeared that the non-slavery states of America had themselves been roused to a sense of their own danger if that policy were successful. It was well known that there had long been a struggle between the slave states and non-slave states in Congress and parties were equally balanced; but if Texas should eventually be annexed to the Federal Union, 18 votes in Congress at Washington would be added to those in favor that most degrading feature in the civilized world-slavery. On all these grounds, be most cordially supported the motion of the honorable member from Southampton. (Hear, hear.)
Lord Palmerston observed, that if it at the beginning of the observations he should have to make to the house, he said that he did not feel himself at liberty to agree to the proposal of the honorable member for Southhampton , he trusted that neither the honorable member nor the house would imagine that it was a proof that he did not feel the importance of its object, or that his Majesty's Government were not as much animated as was the honorable member with the desire to put an end to the evils to which the address he had moved so mainly related (Hear, hear). He (Lord Palmerston) trusted that he should be able to prove to the house that the address moved for was at present in some respects unnecessary, and in other respects premature. The observations of the two honorable gentlemen who had preceded him, divided themselves into two different branches---the one relating to the Political part of the question, and the other relating to the trade in slaves.
With regard to the Political question, undoubtedly the Possibility that the province of Texas might be added to the United States was a subject which ought seriously to engage the attention of the House and of the country, but lie did not think that the events which had occurred afforded any ground for supposing that there was any such probability of its occurring to call upon this House to address the Crown with reference to that matter. The state of Texas at present was this---a revolt had taken place there; the Mexican army had been dispatched for the purpose of putting it down. The first operations had been greatly successful, but a part of the army having considerably advanced before the rest, it was surprised by the Texan force, routed with great slaughter and the President taken prisoner. It might be possible that the resistance of the people of Texas might prevail against the authorities of Mexico, but, on the other hand, the numerical strength lay with the army of the Mexican Government, who from the last accounts that were received, were preparing to make fresh efforts to reinforce their army, and from what had already happened the final result of the struggle could not he inferred.
With respect to the conduct of the United States of America in the matter, although he as aware that individuals in those states had given great assistance to the revolting population of Texas, yet the conduct of the responsible Government of America was the reverse. If regard were had to the President's Message to Congress, it would be found to contain an unequivocal declaration of that Government to take no part in the Mexican civil war, and that in accordance with that declaration orders had been issued to enforce the laws in the prevention of individuals mixing themselves up in the matter. He (Lord Palmerston) had that opinion of the honor and good faith of the Government of America as not to suppose that they would not act up to that declaration; and he thought fresh circumstances ought to arise before an address should be sent to the Crown on the political branch of the question. (Hear, hear)
Now, with regard to that part of the question which related to the trade in slaves the honorable gentleman opposite had remarked that no correspondence had been laid before the House with regard to the progress or diminution of the slave trade, supposed to exist in Texas, while other places were given. The fact was so; and the explanation he had to offer was, that his Majesty's Government had no agent in the province of Texas, and they had only lately received information from the British Minister at Mexico bearing on the illicit trade in slaves supposed to exist in Texas. It would be a greater evil, much to be deplored, if the course of the civil war were to lead to an extension or reestablishment of slavery. That was a matter deserving the attention of the House; and if the House supposed that His Majesty's Government were either indifferent or unwilling to bestow the most vigilant care to prevent such an evil, he should be willing to agree in thinking with the honorable member from Southampton it fitting to admonish the Government in the manner proposed; but he (Lord Palmerston) assured the house the Government required no such stimulus to perform their duty, and he thought that what they were now doing might be accepted as a proof that they were anxious and active in endeavoring to put down the slave trade in every part of the world, and to prevent its springing up in quarters where it did not already exist; but he did not think there was any considerable danger of such an evil being the result of the Mexican civil war, for it was evident that either Texas must be conquered and yield to the Mexican authority, or that it, by succeeding in its struggle would become an independent state; or thirdly, add itself to the United States of America. Now, if the Mexican, authority were reestablished, no more encouragement to the slave trade would be given in Texas than other Mexican states. Again, if the Mexican authority was thrown off, and the independence at Texas declared, it would then be open to this country to interfere and put down any trade in slaves that might be carried on. Lastly, if Texas should in the progress of events become a member of the United States of America, though slaves might be sent there from other states, there would be no real danger of the importation of slaves from the coast of Africa, or the islands of the West Indies. He was inclined to believe that an importation into Texas of slaves from Cuba had taken place, but he had not heard of any such importation from the coast of Africa. With regard to the importation of slaves from Cuba, he must say, that it had occurred before the treaty concluded between Spain and this country, for suppressing the slave trade, had come into operation. The statement of the honorable member for Southampton, therefore, applied to a time antecedent to the ratification of the treaty.
The noble Lord then entered into various particulars of the measures taken by the government with foreign powers for the suppression of the slave trade, and added, if the Government should receive any authentic accounts of the introduction of slaves in Texas, it would be their wish as well as duty, to take such immediate steps as would pat it down. Now, as to the political question he thought there were no grounds whatever why this Government should interfere politically. As to that part of the address which called on the crown to interfere to prevent the traffic in slaves in Texas, he thought it would involve a censure on the Government they did not deserve, considering the measures they had already adopted, and on these grounds he must to pose the motion. Dr. Cushington said there were several circumstances under which this country possessed a right to interfere to prevent the traffic in slaves in Texas. So long as Texas remained in a state of dependence on Mexico, or did not establish its independence, this country bad a right to insist on its observation of the treaty which we had made with Mexico, of which under such circumstances, it must be considered as still forming a part. If it did establish its independence, we could recognize it as a state on such conditions as we pleased, and could make the abolition of the slave trade one of them. But if the state was received into the union of the North American states, then we could demand that it should be bound by the treaties which we had contracted with the government of those states.
Dr. Bowlin thought we were bound to remonstrate with the Government of North America against the introduction of any slave dealing state into the Union. Mr. F. Buxton expressed his belief that if the Americans should obtain possession of Texas, which had been truly described as forming one of the fairest harbors in the world, a greater impulse would be given to the slave trade than had been experienced for many years. If the British Government did not interfere to prevent the Texian territory from falling into the hands of the American slave holders, in all probability a greater traffic in slaves would be carried on during the next 50 years, than had ever before existed. The war at present being waged in Texas, differed from any war which had ever been heard of. It was not a war for the extension of territory---it was not a war of aggression---it was not one undertaken for the advancement of national glory; it was a war which had for its sole object the obtaining of a market for Slaves---(hear, hear) He would not say that the American Government connived at the proceedings which had taken place; but it was notorious that the Texians had been supplied with munitions of war of all sorts by the slaveholders of the United States (hear, hear.) Without meaning to cast any censure upon the Government, he thought the House had a right to demand that the Secretary for foreign affairs adopt strong measures n to prevent the establishment of a new and more extensive market for the slave trade than had ever before existed. The Noble Lord ought immediately to open negotiations on this subject, not only with the Mexicans, but with the United States Government, which latter had always professed to be anxious for the extinction of the slave trade. After a few words from Mr. Hume, Sir, F. French and Sir J. R. Reid in condemnation of the proceeding of the Texians, the amendment was withdrawn.
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